Our Decrepit Constitution: Its
Secret Meaning
The Framers of the Constitution came
from the English tradition of common law. Under common law, laws are
not written but deduced from similar court cases. An important
concept in common law is stare decisis, which requires the
court to follow tradition, so that if a court decides a case a
certain way, it will be bound by its own prior decision.
A problem arises when a court,
especially the Supreme Court, is not bound by its prior decisions.
The Supreme Court, in Bush v. Gore (2000), rejected previously
settled law by overturning the ruling of the Florida Supreme Court.
The majority of the Court decided that the Florida Supreme Court did
not have the right to interpret Florida election law. This
contravened the judgment in Marbury v. Madison (1803), which ruled,
“[i]t
is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to
say what the law is.” The Republican majority of the court thus
overruled a decision that had stood for nearly 200 years to elect the
presidential candidate of their party.
The
Supreme Court, in Citizens
United v. FEC,
overturned 100 years of precedent upholding the Tillman Act (1907)
which limited corporate contributions to political campaigns. In
doing so, the Court found that the campaign finance law violated the
First Amendment, something which was not mentioned in the original
claim. The Court thus gave itself authority to rule a law
unconstitutional without having a representative case brought to its
attention. The Court's failure to abide by its own earlier decisions
struck a blow against the means by which the law does not change
erratically but in a principled and intelligible fashion.
The
result of these rulings was a critical wound to public confidence in
the Supreme Court in particular and the law itself in general. State
legislatures have begun passing bills that obviously contradict
Supreme Court decisions and Constitutional Amendments. The Kansas
legislature yesterday passed a bill that defines life as beginning at
fertilization and bans abortion based on fetal gender altogether.
These provisions of the new bill patently violate the Supreme Court's
ruling in Roe v. Wade (1973). Several other states have passed
similar laws limiting the availability of abortion. All of these laws
presume that the Supreme Court will overturn a ruling it made 40
years ago. The Court will do this not because of any change in
technology or public sentiment, but simply because it does not agree
with the earlier decision.
Another
provision of the Kansas bill prohibits Planned Parenthood from
teaching sex education in the public schools. Supporters of such laws
do not claim that Planned Parenthood gives false information in their
classes. State Rep. Bette Grande (R-Fargo) introduced a similar bill
in North Dakota. Rep. Grande said that Planned Parenthood was not
part of the way business was conducted in her state.
This
state of affairs has been brought about by the Supreme Court's
attempt to set itself up as the supreme branch of government, which
may at any time decide to strike down reasonable laws made by
legislatures or decisions made by other courts for the simple reason
that this court, for obvious political reasons, disagrees with them.
The Courts decisions may be described as obviously political because
observers can predict which way individual justices will rule based
on their political affiliation alone.
The
situation resembled the state of affairs in Japan before the issuance
of its constitution in 1868. The Japanese lords made legal decisions
without consulting precedent or legal codes because there were none.
Japanese subjects had to obey the lords because there was no appeal
from an arbitrary or unjust decision. The Supreme Court seeks to
institute just such a government, where laws are not made by the
people, but by Supreme Court Justices, who, like the prophets of the
Old Testament, reveal the secret meaning of the Constitution.
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