The once-great city of Detroit has
declared bankruptcy, and the search for scapegoats has begun. Many are blaming the sky-high pensions of city employees for the debt
of $15 billion. This theory blames the victims of the disaster. These
teachers, policemen and firemen did not make the decisions that let Japanese automobile
companies compete with Americans. The city employees did not decide to
spend millions promoting the auto industry's new cars as better, bigger, safer, and
sexier than last year's models.
No, the people who made those decisions were the owners and managers of the automobile industry. They're mostly retired now, safely ensconced behind the high walls of privilege with their millions, or even billions of dollars in wealth. Now that Detroit is in receivership, Kevyn Orr, the state-appointed emergency manager, will not be looking for a piece of their profits because, you see, the 1% never pays for the harm they do.
No, the people who made those decisions were the owners and managers of the automobile industry. They're mostly retired now, safely ensconced behind the high walls of privilege with their millions, or even billions of dollars in wealth. Now that Detroit is in receivership, Kevyn Orr, the state-appointed emergency manager, will not be looking for a piece of their profits because, you see, the 1% never pays for the harm they do.
Orr has his sights set squarely on the
recipients of Detroit City pensions. The workers who earned these
pensions by working at jobs that kept the city running for decades
are being blamed for demanding too much money. The average
pension is $1600 a month, hardly an amount that seems greedy.
The pensioners did not decide what
their pensions would be. The city fathers did. Those people, the
mayors and aldermen of years past, decided back in the 1950s to give
the city workers increased pension benefits instead of raises. The
workers had little choice but to accept the generosity of their
bosses. Now their savings are exhausted, their homes are worthless,
and their pensions are under attack.
The politicians who ran Detroit were
not entirely to blame, either. The pensions they managed were toys
for Wall Street to play with. Two pension systems lost $1.5 billion
that they had invested in the stock market in the crash of 2008. Detroit
and numerous other cities found themselves floundering in the wake of that
catastrophe.
A large share of the blame for Detroit's troubles rightly belongs to the entrepreneurs of the late 1900s,
who kept the price of oil low and kept Detroit's cars from needing to
compete with the Japanese and European car manufacturers. These people
made billions by selling gasoline for America's gas-guzzlers. The
corporations who made money this way, like the billionaire Koch
brothers, excuse themselves by saying their companies were just
maximizing profits. This is not true. Their companies also bribed
lawmakers with huge campaign contributions to keep the federal
government from demanding higher gas mileage from American cars. They
used their superfluous profits anonymously to convince people that
burning oil in the atmosphere was healthy and global warming was a
myth invented by liberals.
The people who made huge fortunes by
selling oil and by gaming the stock market and by swindling investors
in sub-prime housing now have the money that the city of Detroit
should be using to pay the pensions of its workers. But emergency
manager Kevyn Orr will not be looking for bailouts from them.
Another group of people, much larger
than the others, also must share the blame for Detroit's decline. The
white workers in the auto industry were frightened of the
African-American workers. They decided to leave the city, first
creating all-white suburbs, and then taking their wealth to
retirement states like Florida and Arizona, where today they continue
to infect the American people with their bigotry and racism.
Eighty-five percent of the people who
remain in Detroit, about 700,000, are African-Americans. Since before World War II, white
residents of Detroit have harbored racial animus against their neighbors. Other industrial cities, like Chicago, New
York, and Boston, learned to thrive as multi-cultural communities.
Detroit never figured out how to do that. Needless to say, Kevyn Orr will not be
looking for bailouts from the millions of white people who fled from
their neighbors instead of learning to live with them.
Kevyn Orr will look for money by taking
it from poor people who earned their pensions by years of hard work
in service to the community. He has even said he intends to sell off
artworks owned by the Detroit Institute of Art (DIA). Some Detroit
residents, who believe the DIA contains only works by European
artists, favor this plan. But the most valuable artworks in the
museum are not European at all, but murals painted by Diego Rivera, a
Mexican artist. Rivera's murals celebrate the workers of Detroit, not
ancient kings or white aristocrats. Detroit needs those murals to
help keep its priorities straight. The workers are not to blame for
the decisions of managers. The people of Detroit should not be
punished for decisions made by the rich and powerful.
Note: My father was born and grew up
in Detroit. He and my mother met while attending the University of
Michigan. My despair at the fate of the city is real and heartfelt.
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