Racism
is a disease that infects our whole society. This infection has
caused our laws to change so that prison terms are vastly longer than
they ever were before. Our prisons and courts are filled with
non-violent drug users whose primary offense is the color of their
skin.
Approximately
as many whites use illegal narcotics as African-Americans, but 90
percent of people arrested
for drug offenses in DC are African-American.1
In DC, an African-American is nearly 4 times as likely to be arrested
for drugs as a Caucasian. This is no accident. When Metropolitan
Police officers go looking for arrests, they don't go to Georgetown,
they go to Anacostia,
even though as many people use drugs in one area as in the other.
To
their credit, the DC Council has been addressing this problem, most
recently by decreasing the maximum jail-time for first-time marijuana
offenders and proposing to legalize possession of marijuana. They now
continue their efforts by proposing the Record-Sealing for
Non-Violent Possession of Marijuana Bill. This bill is necessary
because many people are currently permanently handicapped by their
criminal records, which make it difficult for them to find
employment, rent an apartment, or get a job. This bill seals the
criminal records of people whose only arrest was for possessing
marijuana. I am particularly gratified to see that the Record-Sealing
bill has seven co-sponsors. These lawmakers are willing to stand up
be counted in the fight against racism. The D.C. National Lawyers'
Guild strongly endorses this bill.
I
can only find one fault with these bills. They don't go far enough.
The epidemic of racism has thoroughly infected our justice system for
years. The effects of this epidemic are insidious and far-reaching.
Anti-drug
laws, combined with determinate sentencing laws, still prescribe
preposterously long sentences of up to 30 years in prison for
non-violent offenders.2
The laws also exact enormous fines. When they are released from
prison, ex-offenders—returning citizens—often have huge debts and
no way to repay them.
The
plight of our fellow citizens goes beyond drug offenses, however. The
same study that
found African-Americans accounted for 90 percent of drug arrests in
DC also found that they accounted for 80 percent of disorderly
behavior arrests, 70 percent of traffic arrests, and 80 percent of
arrests for "other assaults", a category that includes the
least serious kinds of assaults.3
Legalization
of a behavior does not automatically lead to fewer arrests. Instead,
it appears that police find new causes for arrest. For
example,
in 2010 the Council removed "loud and boisterous"
behavior from the "disorderly conduct" statute. In 2011,
"disorderly conduct" arrests decreased by 16%, but there
was no discernible decrease in overall arrests, suggesting that
police officers may have found other pretexts to make arrests.4
These
arrest figures strongly suggest that African-Americans are being
targeted by police on the basis of racial characteristics, so-called
racial profiling. To counteract racial profiling, we need to do more
than pass this one bill affecting one small category of non-violent
crime. We should extend this bill to all those who have criminal
records for minor crimes. We need to give returning citizens a chance
to rebuild their lives and support their families.
The
entire War on Drugs has attacked the problem of drug use by treating
the symptom—drug use itself—instead of the causes. Sealing arrest
records, while a good idea in itself, only treats one symptom of the
problems caused by racism. The problem starts with selection of
targets for questioning by police—racial, or bias-based, profiling.
While
police regulations contain a definition of bias-based profiling5,
the D.C. Code does not. The Code lists only “discriminatory
treatment” as a cause for investigation by the Police Complaint
Board. This vague description should be amended by adding a detailed
definition of bias-based profiling, as well as by providing a private
right of action for any citizen who feels he or she has been
victimized by it.6
Finally,
the District of Columbia should work toward better relations between
the community and the police department by establishing an
independent Inspector General of Police, similar to the office of
Inspector General created by New York City.
We
cannot prevent every injustice caused by racism. But we can limit the
number of injustices. The D.C. Council has the opportunity to do so.
Will they take advantage of their opportunity?
1
Washington Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs,
Racial Disparities in Arrests in the District of Columbia,
2009-2011: Implications for Civil Rights and Criminal Justice in the
Nation's Capital 13 (2013).
2
D.C. Official Code §48-904.01.
3
Id., 18, 20, 22.
4
Id., 21.
5GO-OPS-304.15
(March 19, 2007).
6See
NYC Local Law 71 for an example of how NYC has dealt with the
problem of bias-based profiling.
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